Close to the heels of Communist Party of India taking a parochial stand in stopping Nagaland chief minister, Neiphiu Rio and other NPF legislators from entering Manipur, AB Bardhan, CPI general secretary dissected Rio’s statement at Senapati. Bardhan was quoted saying that Rio said something ‘not favourable to the integrity of Manipur’. He also went ahead saying that talks with the NSCN(IM) is also a threat to Manipur.
This has raised a question on whether the comrade was addressing the Manipur state party conference which has only Meitei candidates. If Bardhan can say that, the centre does not understand the ground situation of Manipur – the question is - he and his party understand the same or not. The constitution of India has an article(3) that empowers the Parliament of India to redefine the states. Bihar was divided into Jharkhand, breaking up Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh was created and out of UP, Uttarakhand came into being. These are recent development and not a bygone era tale. Formation of states was on linguistic basis. Every state has a common language.
Former Tamil Nadu chief minister C N Annadurai, the veteran Tamil leader and founder of Dravida Munnetra Kazhekam (DMK) had the ideology of integrating all Dravidian states into a single regional administrative unit. He fought for an independent 'Dravidasthan' and led the anti-Hindi movement. At the same time, Talengana revolution to separate from Andhra Pradesh was at its height. There are no records where the unified Communist Party ever took parochial approaches. At the same time, the party was active in the unified Kerala movement which led to bifurcation of Tamilnadu and Karnata regions. Malabar, part of the Madras Presidency and Kasargode, part of the Mysore state was amalgamated. Kerala lost Nagercoil and Kenyakumari districts, including the founding capital of Travancore.
Why should CPI embark on creating a pro-Manipuri stand and anti-Naga stand if Uttarakhand with Garwali and Kumaoni dialects can merge together? Naga dialects are from a single ancestral stalk. Malayalis say Malayalam language of CPI stronghold has different slangs. Trivandrum slang cannot be understood by central Travancore and so is the Malabar slang. ‘Kasargode has some areas where Malayalam is ‘German to many’. So is the dialects,’ is what a Malayalis say.
What technical basis has CPI to hold that Manipur or any state of the country cannot be realigned? National parties should not intimidate ethnic rivalry.
Rio has stated the longstanding demand of the Nagas in Manipur. Bardhan can refer to the archives and find the letters of the Naga National League of Manipur in 1947-48, addressed to Vallabh Bhai Patel. One such letter states – ‘We do not want to have problems like that of Kashmir in future’.
But Patel was busy his mind absorbed in creating united Indian states which was much more difficult task than attaining freedom. These were issues within the state of India which he would have addressed at a later stage. Bardhan should also read the details on the Assam Language Bill. A legislator from Lushai Hills stood up and spoke in Mizo dialect. The Speaker asked the house which language the member was speaking. The reply of the member was – ‘Sir, it is a language of Assam state’. No need to explain to the comrade, the political consciousness of the state of affairs prevailed here. Once, Assam never wanted to part with its territorial boundaries.
The question here is what is the development index of the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur of for that matter, other infrastructure development there? How much is the proportionate plan expenditure to the valley areas and hill areas?
Creating perceptions that Naga consolidation or merger of Naga inhabited areas amounts to ethnic consolidation is totally unfounded. The Naga inhabited areas have different linguistic groups. It will be a pluralistic state, and it is the duty of the national parties to build up confidence in these groups that they will have a better role in the emerging political system – their customary practices, culture and identity will be protected. Moreover, the talks between the GoI and the NSCN(IM) cannot be seen as a threat to Manipur. CPI needs to clarify whether territorial integration is a right confined only to Manipur state. Can the same equation be applied to Nagaland or Nagas? CPI should also clarify on the stand they take in dividing Andhra Pradesh. If they are not opposed to that, why should this integration question be raised here?
Fortunately or unfortunately in Nagaland, the NPF and the Congress is engaging in a dog fight on the ‘definition of Naga issue’ since the declaration of the Aolenden bye-poll results and that they do not have time to address such issues. However, Bardhan’s statement is to be taken as an eye opener and Rio should direct his boys to stop ‘firing blind volleys’ on the Opposition and rather create political platforms at the national level to have consensus on the Naga issue. Rio being vocal in his convincing potentials outlook, Nagas can look forward in his initiative of more staging in the centre and change prejudiced attitudes of other regional and national parties on the rightful demands of the Nagas and render a political face.
This has raised a question on whether the comrade was addressing the Manipur state party conference which has only Meitei candidates. If Bardhan can say that, the centre does not understand the ground situation of Manipur – the question is - he and his party understand the same or not. The constitution of India has an article(3) that empowers the Parliament of India to redefine the states. Bihar was divided into Jharkhand, breaking up Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh was created and out of UP, Uttarakhand came into being. These are recent development and not a bygone era tale. Formation of states was on linguistic basis. Every state has a common language.
Former Tamil Nadu chief minister C N Annadurai, the veteran Tamil leader and founder of Dravida Munnetra Kazhekam (DMK) had the ideology of integrating all Dravidian states into a single regional administrative unit. He fought for an independent 'Dravidasthan' and led the anti-Hindi movement. At the same time, Talengana revolution to separate from Andhra Pradesh was at its height. There are no records where the unified Communist Party ever took parochial approaches. At the same time, the party was active in the unified Kerala movement which led to bifurcation of Tamilnadu and Karnata regions. Malabar, part of the Madras Presidency and Kasargode, part of the Mysore state was amalgamated. Kerala lost Nagercoil and Kenyakumari districts, including the founding capital of Travancore.
Why should CPI embark on creating a pro-Manipuri stand and anti-Naga stand if Uttarakhand with Garwali and Kumaoni dialects can merge together? Naga dialects are from a single ancestral stalk. Malayalis say Malayalam language of CPI stronghold has different slangs. Trivandrum slang cannot be understood by central Travancore and so is the Malabar slang. ‘Kasargode has some areas where Malayalam is ‘German to many’. So is the dialects,’ is what a Malayalis say.
What technical basis has CPI to hold that Manipur or any state of the country cannot be realigned? National parties should not intimidate ethnic rivalry.
Rio has stated the longstanding demand of the Nagas in Manipur. Bardhan can refer to the archives and find the letters of the Naga National League of Manipur in 1947-48, addressed to Vallabh Bhai Patel. One such letter states – ‘We do not want to have problems like that of Kashmir in future’.
But Patel was busy his mind absorbed in creating united Indian states which was much more difficult task than attaining freedom. These were issues within the state of India which he would have addressed at a later stage. Bardhan should also read the details on the Assam Language Bill. A legislator from Lushai Hills stood up and spoke in Mizo dialect. The Speaker asked the house which language the member was speaking. The reply of the member was – ‘Sir, it is a language of Assam state’. No need to explain to the comrade, the political consciousness of the state of affairs prevailed here. Once, Assam never wanted to part with its territorial boundaries.
The question here is what is the development index of the Naga inhabited areas of Manipur of for that matter, other infrastructure development there? How much is the proportionate plan expenditure to the valley areas and hill areas?
Creating perceptions that Naga consolidation or merger of Naga inhabited areas amounts to ethnic consolidation is totally unfounded. The Naga inhabited areas have different linguistic groups. It will be a pluralistic state, and it is the duty of the national parties to build up confidence in these groups that they will have a better role in the emerging political system – their customary practices, culture and identity will be protected. Moreover, the talks between the GoI and the NSCN(IM) cannot be seen as a threat to Manipur. CPI needs to clarify whether territorial integration is a right confined only to Manipur state. Can the same equation be applied to Nagaland or Nagas? CPI should also clarify on the stand they take in dividing Andhra Pradesh. If they are not opposed to that, why should this integration question be raised here?
Fortunately or unfortunately in Nagaland, the NPF and the Congress is engaging in a dog fight on the ‘definition of Naga issue’ since the declaration of the Aolenden bye-poll results and that they do not have time to address such issues. However, Bardhan’s statement is to be taken as an eye opener and Rio should direct his boys to stop ‘firing blind volleys’ on the Opposition and rather create political platforms at the national level to have consensus on the Naga issue. Rio being vocal in his convincing potentials outlook, Nagas can look forward in his initiative of more staging in the centre and change prejudiced attitudes of other regional and national parties on the rightful demands of the Nagas and render a political face.
