Joseph Kuba
The socio-political and economic condition of Manipur has attracted a lot of analyses by journalists, academics, freelancers and concerned citizens in recent times. Such a discourse is essential albeit certain ethical considerations. Prudence, intelligent and socially constructive opinions and ingenuousness on various issues confronting the state should be exercised. However, the ideas, views and attitudes making rounds these days is seemingly being held hostage by all and sundry attempting to score petty points against another through compilation of ideas, facts and figures that has no basis and that suits oneself.
The most contentious issue seems to be the question of ‘revolutionary movements/insurgencies’ itself. We all know that the over 30 insurgent groups operating in the state belong to either of the three communities i.e. Meiteis, Nagas and Chin-Kuki-Zomis. According to Prof. J.B. Bhattacharjee, a distinguished social scientist on the Northeast, “the single common cause (of insurgencies) … is the indifferent attitude of the central government which failed to tackle the problem of insurgency at its initial stage and allowed the dominant majority to threaten the cultural identity of the ethnic and linguistic minorities.” Many scholars and public leaders of our state, similarly, accuse the central government for not prioritizing and addressing questions of forced incorporation of peoples and states of the Northeast into the Indian Union, their quest for autonomy, self-determination and of continuing a strategy of ‘militarization’ and pitting one group against the other as a means to curb insurgency and to check the proliferation of insurgent groups.
If all the communities are facing the same predicament in Manipur, why then the diatribe amongst ourselves, particularly, in matters concerning ‘resistance and armed violence’ against supposedly the Indian ‘occupational’ force. The opposition to the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958, by all communities in Manipur is an example of how the Act has been a source of infuriation and provocation to all the people. The provisions of the Act also expose the nature of how the seemingly ‘restive’ situation in Manipur is being managed. We have a situation in almost the whole of the Northeastern states of India where the different communities want some sort of autonomy or to completely secede from India. Many communities in the Northeastern region want the boundaries to be redrawn so that they can live their lives determined by themselves. The catchword is self-determination or autonomy.
In this context, it makes one wonder as to the tirade against Thuingaleng Muivah of the NSCN-IM, in recent times. Even his private life, beliefs and personality have not been spared. Mr. Muivah did not rise out of no-where to be the leader of the NSCN just as any of the revolutionary leaders of the Meiteis or the Zomis-Kukis. He is holding on to the aspirations of the Nagas through legacies of the many leaders and young people who laid down their lives in this quest just as many of the leaders and the youth have done in the case of the Meiteis and the Kukis-Zomis.
This fact does not seem to have dawned into the imagination of many. However, let us keep this issue aside for now after assuming that all the revolutionary groups in Manipur are engaged in armed combat for reasons they are fully aware of and passionate about and that the common people look up to them as heroes to the cause of their freedom against oppression. Let us also envision that somehow, in future, they will be instrumental in directing a ‘force’ against a common enemy that is out to destroy communities like ours who have been compelled to take up arms. Despite a situation that hints at a bleak future for the people in Manipur, in the last decade or so, the relations between the major ethnic communities have gone from bad to worse. It will do well for all to examine the issues that have been at the core of many of these contestations.
Recently, a number of questions have been raised by various writers as to the conduct of Mr. Muivah and the Nagas, particularly ANSAM and the UNC, in the media. One of the featured arguments was why Mr. Muivah chose to visit his village Somdal when the Nagas were crying hoarse against holding the Autonomous District Council elections and a blockade in this regard was on. The point here was that Mr. Muivah was adding more confusion by trying to enter Manipur, taking advantage of the crisis situation. It may be noted here, however, that the opposition to the election was not an all Naga show and was in no way a ‘tactical’ move or whatever by Mr. Muivah. The ATSUM and the ANSAM spearheaded the ‘blockade’ during the first week of April 2010. The ATSUM, in a Press Release, on 20 April 2010 also said that “various tribal based civil societies have every reason to oppose holding of election under the 3rd Amendment Act of 2008 of Manipur (Hill Areas) District Councils Act as there is no doubt that the said amendment has ‘some confusions’ as well as unsatisfying points and clauses.” The call against the elections, in its amended version, was by all the tribals (read Kukis, Zomis, and Nagas).
Mr. Muivah’s itinerary to visit Somdal had no link with the tribal agitation as it had been worked out at the level of the central government with full knowledge of the state government. It was the Manipur Government that refused the permission citing ‘law and order’ problem. The unfolding state of affairs during this period, however, did not give much legitimacy to the ‘law and order’ rationale. The Chief Minister, Mr. Ibobi, was in deep political crisis with demands for his resignation due to the Khwairamband incident, the closure of all educational institutions for almost 4 months because of this incident and the closure of all government offices who were demanding the implementation of the 6th Pay in toto. Mr. Ibobi, by using his superb political acumen, was able to tide over this critical exigency by diverting the public psyche towards Muivah and his alleged ill intentions if he came to Manipur. The political deliverance for Mr. Ibobi was timely especially with the ‘integration’ issue being raked up with all preparations for the ‘Great June Uprising’.
Another immaterial but oft referred to has been the question as to whether Nagas in Manipur are ready to become one community under the proposed Nagalim. It must be asserted here that the issue of Nagas coming together under one ‘umbrella’ has been the desire of Nagas, both of Manipur and Nagaland, right from the very beginning. Nagas of Manipur have been a part of the struggle since the time of AZ Phizo and continue to do so and some of the most vocal civil society organizations in this regard have been the Nagas of Manipur. Stray cases of intra-Naga differences of opinion have in no way affected the overall aspiration of all the Nagas.
It may not be the most popular view but there are many takers of the claim that the main cause of all this inter-ethnic problem in Manipur has been the result of the prolonged ill treatment and exploitation of the tribals by the Meiteis. The following points, to a large extent, substantiate this contention.
The tribals of Manipur have consistently been at the receiving end of discrimination by the state government. For instance, the 2001 census showed a population ratio of almost 4:6 between the tribal and the non-tribals (read Meiteis). However, this census count was objected by the state government who stated that there was ‘abnormal’ growth in some parts. The Paomata, Tadubi and Purul sub-divisions were identified as the problem areas and the argument put forward was that the ‘abnormal’ growth was due to the ethnic clash between the Kuki-Nagas and anti-ceasefire movement from 1997 to 2001. With no record of non-tribal displacement/migration to these sub-divisions, it was obvious that the entire drama was fabricated because the new statistics would entail more tribal representation in the state Assembly. As of now, tribal MLAs constitute 19 of the total 60. Even as disquiet was created due to the census imbroglio, during this period, the proposed Diphu-Karong railway (some parts of which were falling within the jurisdiction of the three sub-divisions), inaugurated by the then Union Railway Minister Nitish Kumar in 1998 at Karong ground was unceremoniously shifted to the Jiribam via Silchar sector.
The recently held ADC elections was another flashpoint of worry and anger for the tribals who regard it as a trample upon tribal rights when the 2008 Amendment deleted the word ‘autonomous’. The revenue system under the newly engineered ADC Act also re-configures the land-holding system in scheduled areas with the patta system, which enables wide manipulation of tribal land. All tribals consider it land-grabbing with the already existing provisions for transfer of tribal land to non-tribals under the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960, and subsequent amendments. The turnout and the manner in which the whole election exercise was carried out smacked of mockery of democracy. Nomination, scrutiny and oath-taking were all done in Imphal. It is envisaged that the entire functioning of the Councils will also be held in Imphal.
Other issues that continue to pour more oil in the fire of communal tension have been the arbitrary Cabinet decision to choose the site of Indira Gandhi Tribal University at Makhan (near Sekmai) without proper consultation with the Tribals (Hills Areas Committee). In the education sector, recruitment has been a major area of manipulation. Manipur University has only 2 (two) tribal lecturers and only 7.5% of the total seats for higher studies and post creation have been allotted to the tribals. Reportedly, in the recent recruitment of primary teachers under the District Councils, 552 posts out of 1600 reserved vacant posts, were given to Meitei candidates. In other areas of recruitment/promotion, too, the tribals have been willfully victimized. The Manipur Civil Services Pay Rules 2010, which upgraded the post in the pay scale 6,000-10,000 to A-grade, was deliberately done to prevent promotion of SC/ST to the next higher post as there can’t be reservation in promotion for A-grade services. A glaring example of inequitable treatment meted out even to top government officials has been the still pending case with the Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) of the promotion of a junior officer belonging to the Meitei community by bypassing a senior tribal colleague in the police department. It may be noted that no tribal has so far held the post of Advocate General in Manipur.
The Kukis and Nagas have time and again been accused of extorting ‘huge’ amounts of illegal tax from goods transported through NH 39. The argument here is that the tribals are actually levying illegal direct and indirect taxes on the Meiteis. Just like the saying “for the loss of a horseshoe a kingdom was lost”, the Meiteis, while picking these so-called taxes (how much money can a truck driver dole out anyway) as major offences against them, will never admit to the abuse of crores of Rupees a major portion of which is meant for tribal development. Corruption is a household name in Manipur and the epicenter of corruption is obviously Imphal where every financial transaction first takes place before it is sent to the hill districts. Persons who are interested in a temporary job as an Anganwadi Worker have to pay Rs. 20,000/- and a Helper Rs. 10,000/- respectively to get an honorarium of approximately Rs. 14,400/- and Rs. 12,000/- annually.
The diversion of funds meant for one purpose to another has often created misunderstanding among the stakeholders. A Rs. 300 crore sanctioned by Union Ministry for Ukhrul-Tadubi road was reportedly diverted to the constituencies of Mr. Ibobi and Works Minister Ranjit. Similarly, money meant for Churachandpur Mini Secretariat construction under ACA/SPA funding was again diverted to the same constituencies in 2007. This sort of manipulation and the finer points regarding the overall state government employment ratio of 8:2 in favour of the Meiteis are telling examples of how corruption and willful discrimination are a reality. One cannot fail to make out the deliberate attempts to prevent parity between hills and the valley. There are some elements within the enlightened individuals in Manipur who argue that it is but natural that better infrastructure and facilities should first be invested in Imphal – the capital of the state; that Imphal should be made into a Hill Station to attract tourists; and that the face of Imphal should be made the face of Manipur. There is definitely no arguing on that proposition. The only question remains: where is the infrastructure after these many years? Concomitantly, when was there an effort to enforce a strict development policy which would benefit both Imphal and the surrounding hill districts? Talking about highway problems: when will the trucks be able to travel at a reasonable speed so that no goondas, whether it is a Naga, Meitei, Kuki, will have the opportunity to stop and loot it.
Going by the opinion of a person who recently contributed an article to this esteemed paper, “if the people are happy, satisfied and contented with their lives then who is going to join the rebellion ranks? They will give two hoots to Muivah and his ilk.” A glance at the statistics (in Manipur) and the stated rationale by the author, it will probably be the Meiteis who are the most dissatisfied people in the country. Political contempt of the ethnic, cultural and other diversities in a state like Manipur and political jugglery by constantly diverting the minds of the common people from issues like bad governance, corruption and so on to communal persuasions by vested interests will ultimately be the ruin of Manipur.
In fine, if Mr. Muivah is talking and misleading people into an illusionary ‘Nagalim’: can we also say that the leaders of the about 20 odd revolutionary groups in Manipur are also talking and misleading Meiteis into an illusionary ‘Kangleipak’.
