While the Nagas were merrymaking with their annual 10 days jamboree, followed by customary events surrounding the wedding and festive season, a tectonic shift unfolded in the August House of the world's ‘largest democracy’.
Oblivious and many still with the festive hangover, the ground beneath was shaken and the very soul of the Indian Constitution has been allegedly adulterated with religious colour, having portentous implications. The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2019 or CAB has now become an Act following its clearance in both the Houses of the Indian Parliament and the Presidential assent.
That a ‘carrot and stick’ policy is used to ‘streamline’ North-Eastern states, after systematically turning them into dependent states, is unambiguous. The routine utilization of the ‘divide and rule’ policy periodically for inter-states and intra-state issues, to nullify the competing imperatives, is also undeniable. In the present case, the North East was served a disquieting dish – a ‘carrot and stick’ fused with ‘divide and rule’ policy, and peppered with dollops of majoritarian vision. Many leaders succumbed to this tactful concoction.
The December 3 New Delhi meeting with leaders of political and social organisation from the region can be considered a political masterstroke for the ruling dispensation. After the said meeting, restive assertions from several quarters were quelled and they were tranced into complacency from which many are yet to recover. When some realised the implications, albeit belatedly, the CAB was already CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act), legislated by the "tyranny of the majority’ and egged by religious nationalism.
Naga leaders were no exception. When the CAB was passed by the Lok Sabha on December 9, an organization, known for alacrity in any matters related to migration, was singularly leisurely in its reaction and scheduled a meeting a week after. Ironically, two days later on December 11, CAB became CAA, an Act termed by the United Nations as “fundamentally discriminatory in nature.”
Ditto for the Nagaland’s lone Member of Parliament in Lok Sabha, who justified voting for the Bill, following directives from party president and leaders. While one can say that the MP’s vote would not have made much difference as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) itself has a comfortable majority to bulldoze the Bill in the Lower House; but a principled standpoint and a conscientious objection wouldn’t have hurt.
The action by lone MP in Rajya Sabha, where every vote was crucial, however, was most bizarre. In a confusing statement on the floor of the Upper House, he seems to highlight the grave implication of the Bill but he was still instrumental in making it into an Act. The opposition Naga People’s Front’s strategies to issues, or rather lack of it, was grossly exposed when its Legislature Party on December 14 demanded an emergency Central Executive Meeting to discuss on the stand taken by its MPs in the Parliament.
While several sections of populace in the state followed the unfolding situation across the region with utmost trepidation, the state Chief Minister, besides sending birthday wishes to other political leaders, was basking in the glory of ‘overwhelming success’ of the Hornbill Festival. The issue hit home hardest only when the news surfaced regarding the possibility of shortages of food and fuels due to prolonged stir in Assam. This in itself speaks volume about how dependent the Nagas are while gauging their empathy towards others at the same time.
Nevertheless, the Naga Students’ Federation (NSF) unwavering stand on the issue gives a glimmer of hope that, at least on the issue safeguarding the indigenous people, its stand is not guided by political compulsion and exigencies or self-interest. The action by the Home department and respective district administrations as well as the police to allay public apprehensions as well as assistance to stranded passengers in transit, despite a conspicuous silence from the political executive, is noteworthy. This has now become a standard operating procedure during any crisis.
Many have cited Article 371 (A) and the existing Inner Line Permit under the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act of 1853, hastily extended to Dimapur, will act as potent safeguards against CAA for Nagaland. This is missing the point. Apart from their legal tenability, the ‘I don't care as long as it doesn't affect me’ philosophy is reminiscent of the post-war confession “First they came ...’ by a German Lutheran pastor and theologian, which ends with the ominously worded line, “Then they came for me—and there was no one left to speak for me.”
The present chain of events have also decisively proven the point that the concerns of NE are ‘expendables.’ While the response of the students’ organisations and common people on the matter have been commendable, sycophancy and narrow interests of their political leaders have perpetuated the expendability and has miserably failed them.
