Dipak Kurmi
Manipur today stands at a deeply consequential moment in its constitutional, social, and moral history, marked by prolonged unrest, administrative paralysis, and an erosion of trust between communities and institutions. It is the only state in the Indian Union that is currently under President’s Rule, with the latest proclamation coming into effect on February 13, 2025. This places Manipur in a rare and troubling category, even as other states such as Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab experienced long spells under exceptional governance in earlier decades. The repetition of President’s Rule in Manipur, now imposed eleven times since statehood, signals not merely political instability but a systemic failure to resolve underlying ethnic, administrative, and developmental fault lines. Over the decades, the extraordinary powers under President’s Rule have been invoked more than one hundred times across India, yet Manipur’s frequent recurrence highlights a crisis that is both structural and deeply human.
Article 356 of the Constitution, which empowers the President of India to assume control of a state when constitutional machinery fails, was conceived as a last resort. In Manipur, its application followed the inability of the elected Chief Minister to halt escalating ethnic violence between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities. Under this provision, the Union Government assumes governance largely through the Governor, and the elected Assembly remains in suspended animation. Although such proclamations require parliamentary approval and are time-bound, the extension of President’s Rule in Manipur for another six months from August 13, 2025, underscores the depth of the impasse. The Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in S.R. Bommai versus Union of India had cautioned against the arbitrary use of Article 356, yet the present circumstances reveal a grim paradox where constitutional restraint coexists with administrative helplessness.
The current scenario in Manipur is defined by a prolonged breakdown of normal governance and social harmony. For nearly three years, ethnic violence and mutual distrust have rendered large parts of the state dysfunctional. Buffer zones have emerged as a defining feature of this crisis, physically and psychologically segregating Meitei and Kuki-Zo populations for over thirty-four months. These zones, meant as temporary security measures, have instead hardened into symbols of division, preventing free movement and reinforcing fear. Even elected representatives have reportedly been barred from entering certain areas, an alarming indication of the state’s diminished authority. Development has stalled, institutions have weakened, and everyday life has been reduced to survival rather than progress.
The human cost of this conflict is starkly illustrated by incidents such as the murder of a Meitei man on January 21, 2025, in Churachandpur district, where he had been living with his Kuki wife. The killing, allegedly carried out by suspected Kuki militants, was video-recorded and circulated with the chilling slogan “No peace, no popular government.” This act was not merely a crime but a message of defiance against democratic governance itself. While some political efforts toward reconciliation have been initiated, including meetings between legislators of the two major communities in New Delhi, the gap between dialogue and tangible peace remains wide. Reconciliation is widely acknowledged as the need of the hour, yet it continues to be overshadowed by mutual suspicion and sporadic violence.
Compounding the crisis is the emergence of inter-tribal tensions, particularly between Kuki and Naga groups. On January 26, when the rest of the nation celebrated Republic Day, reports of tension surfaced in Kangpokpi district following attacks on a few Kuki houses. A two-week blockade of a crucial road by Naga groups, opposed by Kukis who rely on the route, further strained relations. Despite appeals for peace by apex bodies of both tribes and calls to avoid rumors and propaganda, the blockade persisted, halting development activities and disrupting daily life. Kuki groups observed a 24-hour shutdown, while Naga leaders indicated their intent to continue the blockade, reflecting how localized disputes can rapidly escalate in an already fragile environment.
Amid this turbulence, civil society has attempted to assert its voice, most notably through the Save Manipur Rally organized by the Coordinating Committee on Manipur’s Integrity in Imphal on January 31. Described as one of the largest rallies in recent memory, it drew participants from across communities, including Meiteis, Pangals, Bengalis, Marwaris, Jains, Punjabis, and others. Thousands reportedly marched nearly five kilometers to demand normalcy, territorial integrity, and the settlement of internally displaced persons within a defined timeframe. Slogans emphasizing unity, opposition to proxy wars, and commitment to Manipur’s integrity echoed through the streets, signaling a collective yearning for peace that transcends ethnic lines. The rally also served as a reminder to the Centre that public patience is wearing thin.
The resolutions emerging from such mobilizations reflect widespread frustration with the prevailing hostage-like situation in the state. There is a growing consensus that symbolic gestures, announcements of relief packages, and high-profile visits cannot substitute for structural solutions. Calls have intensified for the suspension of operations against armed groups, a concrete and time-bound policy for the rehabilitation and resettlement of displaced persons, and a decisive crackdown on cross-border narcotics networks allegedly linked to insurgent groups operating along the Myanmar border. Ensuring Manipur’s territorial and administrative integrity has become a rallying point, as fears of fragmentation and prolonged instability loom large.
Manipur’s strategic geography further complicates its predicament. With a 390-kilometer-long international border with Myanmar, the state has long been vulnerable to drug trafficking, arms smuggling, and insurgent movement. Vigilance along this frontier is not merely a security imperative but a socio-political necessity, especially in light of reports suggesting participation of Manipuris in activities linked to the ruling junta in Myanmar. Weak border management exacerbates internal insecurity, allowing illicit economies to flourish and undermining the rule of law. In such a context, restoring normalcy within Manipur is inseparable from securing its borders.
Observers and rights advocates argue that the persistence of violence has created an atmosphere of normalized fear, where communities retreat into enclaves and mistrust becomes habitual. Illegal checkpoints manned by self-styled village volunteers, the proliferation of looted arms, and the paralysis of educational and health institutions have transformed everyday life. Businesses remain shut, schools and colleges struggle to function, and an entire generation risks being defined by displacement and trauma. Disarming deviant elements from both Meitei and Kuki communities, dismantling unauthorized checkpoints, and disclosing surrendered weapons are increasingly viewed as essential steps toward rebuilding confidence.
Ultimately, Manipur’s strength lies in its multicultural coexistence, a legacy that now stands severely tested. The goal cannot be a superficial calm enforced by force, but a durable peace rooted in dialogue, justice, and inclusive governance. Restoring a popular government is widely seen as essential, yet it must be accompanied by genuine reconciliation efforts, engagement with women leaders and tribal chiefs, and the formation of peace committees that operate at the grassroots level. Many villages within buffer zones remain abandoned, and unless trust is rebuilt, violence may re-emerge against the backdrop of a polarized bureaucracy and media environment. Manipur’s crossroads moment demands vigilance, empathy, and political courage, for the cost of inaction will be measured not only in statistics but in the continued unraveling of a society yearning for normalcy and dignity.
(the writer can be reached at dipakkurmiglpltd@gmail.com)
