
Naypyidaw’s promise for signing of nationwide ceasefire agreement in the country by October 2013 fell void and the stalemate game got dragged on till date.
Much talk and dialog had been organized and done throughout the year in both the governmental levels and among the ethnic armed groups resulting in a lot of paper agreements and resolutions. But it is weird that a tangible phase has not been secured which would guarantee lasting peace and honorable solution to the warring armed forces in the country.
The prolonged clashes in the northern part of the country between the Tatmadaw and KIO/KIA forces and unending Arakhine-Rohingya crisis on the western coast till date, which led to Buddhist-Muslim riot in central Myanmar also lie as the major impediments under Myanmar’s trumpet call for permanent peace. The rogue nature of the military regime is still well portrayed through their activities. Though the idea of peace is well accepted by all, the working plan for peace is clearly weird and impractical on the part of the government. It is quite natural to expect that all good claims should be accompanied by good deeds. There is no doubt that the Thein Sein Administration, which claims so called genuine peace, but in its kind of cosmetic peace, cannot help people go along with it as in reality it suffocates them. The kind of peace natural people long for is the peace that safeguards their rights and guarantees them a prosperous future, one without threats and without fear, in and around them.
The efforts put up by the West forces at times seem to be going around the bush because it misses the core issue of the reform process in Myanmar. For instance, when Western diplomats come, their main concern is whether Aung San Suu Kyi would become the next president, then continue on other serious matters in low tone. The situation is also worsened because they have legitimized war criminals who have committed serious war crimes against humanity. So how could one expect genuine democratization in the country? Consequently, democratization is rather difficult in a totalitarian society ruled by warlords who, unseen, pull the strings from the background. The premature congratulations of the West for the unusual Burmese way of democratization have further paralyzed the reform process in the country.
The other fundamental problem is that no one could hang the bell around Min Aung Hlaing’s neck, C-in-C of Myanmar Army, who literally claims to wipe out the ethnic forces by military means and continues to suppress the Indigenous Peoples in the country militarily and in doing so dishonoring and turning down agreements signed by the president himself. In order to prove the reform process, it is true that ceasefire agreements are made with more than ten ethnic armed groups but still some like KIA/KIO remain in hot battlefields and suffer heavy casualty leaving tens of thousands of refugees in a miserable condition. This leads to questioning President Thein Sein’s sincerity when he calls out for genuine peace and national reconciliation. The real question is: under the table are they playing games against the ethnic peoples in the country? The real scenario in the country looks discouraging and so genuine peace seems still far away!
As we turn to the side of Nagas in Myanmar, NSCN-K’s refusal to sign Union Level Ceasefire Agreement in Naypyidaw may be interpreted as for political gain of the Nagas because signing it would be rather demeaning the rights of the Nagas. The upcoming national population census, due in March and in April 2014, is another serious concern for the people in the country. It is serious but maybe worse for the Nagas of Myanmar. According to the official population census chart, issued by the president’s office, which will begin in March, historical Nagas are mentioned as a sub-tribe of Chin ethnic people with the code No. 431. It is a serious matter because it terminates the identity of the Naga Indigenous People, which in no way can be accepted.
Recently through press conference Naga youths and Naga public protested strongly against the termination of the identity, but the government of Myanmar responds fishy or keeps on ignoring the voice of the Nagas in Myanmar. It is also confusing to see present Naga politicians and bureaucrats, who are in Government service, remain passive and silent on the important issue but for some youths and elders who when vocal about it are usually tagged and singled out and proclaimed disobedient and rebellious by those who serve their paymasters, but do not realize what they stand for.
To make matters worse is the factor of the so-called Naga National workers who happily come to collect taxes but with a mind-blowing statement that they are safeguarding the rights of the Nagas and are fighting for sovereignty. But, they are turning their ears and eyes away from the Nagas in the East who are going through such a serious matter as losing their Naga identity. It is not wise that the claim for sovereignty should become only a means to seduce tax from the public without proving what it is actually and how it is actually spent. If this continues Nagas will become more vulnerable in the eyes of our common adversaries who want to rob the glory of the Nagas. Naga National workers should ponder upon it and plan well on how to promote wellbeing and development for the people in the region and make the public feel they are really standing for the claimed cause, not just repeating the traditional claim. The present scenario makes the public paranoid and suspicious on their activities. Though it is a fact that the role and contribution of Naga National workers in Naga politics are undeniable, a historical fact, which cannot be erased, factionalism among our National workers has reduced them to lower levels, not of nation and nationalism in true sense. The Bible clearly teaches us that the house, which is divided itself will not be able to stand for its own. The need for genuine reconciliation among the NPGs is demanding and it is imperative lest the whole house falls shattered.
FNR’s effort for the reconciliation among the NPGs has come in its 6th year with certain achievements and it will go on till its set goal. The writer is fully convinced that the way for reconciliation is tough in our context. But can we find additional means to foster the move? Can we think of a sooner possibility? It is accepted that the conflicts among the NPGs are political ones; so they are different in nature with the system of faith in religious understanding. In Christian circle, ‘Forgive and forget in His name’ has been a catchphrase; it is true because it deals with faith matter – which is based on ‘Just believe it’ concept. But politics may be looked as of ideology based on reason and philosophy. Hence, a sort of political means seems needed in order to speed up to reach the set goal in due time. Perhaps, like that of truth commission, designed to function under the present initiative, that will scrutinize the matter and impartially clarify the things before the public how the mess was originated in the history. It is a fair demand that Naga public has the right to know what actually and how actually it went wrong in the past and why the Naga public has to suffer till date without having the chance to know the exact account of our own history. In present context, it sounds everybody is right in his/her own justification. But how long can we continue living this way?
The need to build a strong house is inevitable for the Nagas according to the prevailing situations around us. The present situation highlights us that we are going to be more exposed to outside world than in the past. For example, the impact of Delhi’s Look East Policy can have both positive and negative things on the Nagas as it involves geo-politics and politico-economic outreach of Delhi to balance the influence of her counterpart in the East. It is hoped that the changing trend in Myanmar politics will also bring changes to our Naga world across the lines sooner or later. However, the impact we receive from these changing scenarios will depend on how well we are prepared to face them in reality in the near future.
Kuknalim!
A. Makury
athongmakury@yahoo.co.uk
The writer hails from Layshi, Eastern Nagaland. He, after completing his studies in Nagaland and in South India, left for Thailand where he did a Tribal linguistic research. Now he remains as an observer to Myanmar-Naga politics based in Thailand.