Dr Brainerd Prince
External signs that are either worn or inscribed on the body, serving as identity markers, primarily make visible one’s identification with a particular tradition, religious or otherwise; for example, the cross that Christians wear ornamentally around their neck. Another example is the sacred white thread composed of three cotton strands (janeu or yajñopavītam) worn by Hindu boys after the Upanayana ceremony. These same signs are also utilized to distinguish rank and power structures within the tradition (intra-tradition). The white thread designates the wearer as a twice-born Brahmin as opposed to other castes. Finally, with regard to other communities (inter-tradition), the white thread performs the act of exclusion, even as it differentiates the Brahmin Hindu wearer from the non-Hindu non-wearers. Thus, the white thread can be said to be a ‘symbol of exclusion’ fulfilling three purposes: (a) affirmation of one’s exclusive identity, (b) distinguishing one’s rank and position, and (c) differentiate others from oneself. These purposes can also be drawn out for other external symbols belonging to other traditions as well.
However, my interest is in excavating historical innovations where the above mentioned purposes of the exclusionary symbols have been thwarted and the power dynamics disrupted. The goal is to look for historical moments through textual or anthropological sources, where these external signs have, in contrast, been used as ‘symbols of embrace’ in a dialogical manner rather than as symbols of exclusion. If external signs have been predominantly used as exclusionary symbols in order to distance oneself from the other, then, I would like to argue that equally there are external signs that have the potential to be used as symbols of embrace, bringing two groups or individuals together.
At times like ours, when the divisive work of identity politics is at its peak, we are in desperate need of counter-examples that will give us insight on how there can be ‘togetherness’ and ‘embrace’ between individuals and communities who are radically different from each other. The Sangtam Nagas of Eastern Nagaland offer us such a counter-example that illustrates the idea of ‘symbols of embrace’. On the basis of the data collected through fieldwork and interviews, I will first narrate how the Sangtam Dao performs the function of a symbol of embrace and then briefly explore its relevance for our contemporary life. The overall aim is to draw insights from our traditional practices so that they can inform how we live and relate with one another today.
The Nagas not only live in the State of Nagaland in the Northeast part of India but also in the States of Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and even in the neighbouring country of Myanmar. The term ‘Naga’ was first used by the British colonials to describe the people occupying the hilly region. In the State of Nagaland itself, besides many minor tribes, there are sixteen officially recognized tribes such as Ao, Sema, Angami, Chakhesang, Lotha, Chang, Sangtam, Konyak, etc.
Every tribe has its own culture, with its own language – often a tribe has more than one dialect. Each tribe also has its unique ornaments, clothing and food habits. Their different ways of life, rituals and belief systems mark their unique tribal identity. For instance, the Sangtam Nagas who partially inhabit the Tuensang and Kiphire districts speak the Sangtam dialect which again differs from region to region. They also have their own style of ornament and dressing which sets them apart from the other tribes. Within the Sangtam community further social differentiation can be observed from the difference in clothing and housing. For instance,in a village, a warrior’s (Athrongrü) house will be built in a particular manner, he will have a unique kind of tattoo on his body in honour of the heads he has taken in wars. Women belonging to rich families have special necklaces called as Tring-Tring Tong, and Muchae Tring-Tring, which sets them apart from other women. Furthermore, virgin women get tattoos just above their knee and the shawl (Mekhela) length is right above the tattoo to make it visible. Such women were regarded as role models and much sought after by men in society. Thus, different bodily signs came to signify different social status and identity. These could be considered as symbols of exclusion that define identity, differentiating one from another amongst the Sangtam Nagas.
However, conversely, there are also bodily signs that are symbols of embrace. One such set of symbols that does not create exclusionary identity, but rather brings people together are the war armours, Nok and Thsu, a kind of Dao (Naga Sword) worn bodily by the Sangtam Nagas. Daos are carried in a wooden scabbard and worn on the back of the hip. Not only warriors but most adults wear their Dao on their body around the hip, as it is used for a variety of purposes. The Dao handle made of wood or ivory is carved and can also symbolize a clan or village identity.
When two villages or clans or even two individuals want to mark the establishment of peace and seal a peace treaty, which is called Yangtsa or Mongtsü, then these bodily symbols are exchanged between the enemies. This practice prevailed amongst the pre-Christian Sangtam Nagas when villages frequently engaged in wars and head hunting. The process of peace talk starts with the selection of a representative, Langbürü, who acts as the mediator between the two villages during the negotiation.When the negotiations are concluded then one of the villages hosts the important leaders from the enemy village for a day. This daylong meeting entails sacred and religious significance as the breaking of the peace treaty is seen as a bad omen. The conclusion of these meetings is marked by the host presenting livestock, like pig or cow,to the visitors during their departure which the invitees will kill and divide amongst themselves before reaching their village. This gesture is also expected to be reciprocated by the other village in a year or two to the present host village as a sign of their continuing friendship. This treaty also comes with the responsibility to look after the welfare of each other; if in case one of the villages come to know that the other village is about to be attacked by an enemy, it is their duty to stop the enemy by peaceful talk or even through war to protect the village with whom this sacred peace is established.The peace talks or Yangtsa could also take place between individuals. Usually, the reasons for enmity between individuals involve crimes, mainly the intentional or accidental killing of a person or livestock. This sign or gesture of making amends is like a verbal contract and a moral obligation that each party is expected to maintain once the agreement is reached. Even in cases of buying land or settling land disputes, livestock such as pigs, cows or hen are killed to signify that a resolution has been finalized. If either of the parties that has gone through the Yangtsa change their mind, it is believed that their descendants will be cursed, which is feared and perceived as an ill omen.What is important to note is that central to the Yangtsa is the exchange of the Daos worn by the two parties. Thus, these bodily signs become symbols of embrace, even as one wears his enemy’s Dao on his body in recognition of the peace made, and the friendship-relationship established. The Sangtam Dao does not differentiate or create a unique and exclusionary identity, rather it is a symbol of embrace that in its exchange establishes togetherness.
In our contemporary world, the exchange of rings and bracelets and in some cultures even neck chains, all of it, function as symbols of embrace. However, most of these symbols are attached to the marriage ritual or other rituals related to the theme of love. What is interesting about the Sangtam Dao is that it is used as a symbol of embrace in the context of conflict and war. However, I want to end by focusing on our everyday life, not necessarily moments of love or war, but normal everyday moments and how we can establish rituals of exchange, of symbols of embrace, that will promote togetherness and unity in our otherwise divisive world. These rituals of togetherness can be instituted amongst neighbours, colleagues, business owners and clients, service providers and receivers, and even friends. ‘Togetherness’ and ‘unity’ are powerful spaces that open up new possibilities and opportunities that can bring about new avenues of growth and success for all parties involved. Perhaps, this is precisely what the Dao of Sangtam Nagas reminds us of and encourages us towards, in our world that desperately needs new equations in order to successfully move forward beyond the present gloom.
Vili Sangtam, Project Consultant with the National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration, was the main Field Researcher for this work
