Ngaranmi Shimray
New Delhi
Divided we stand:
Manipur was never a unified state at any point in time. The society in Manipur has been divided since time immemorial, and the division exists even today. Kangleipak existed in exclusion and harmony without any form of systematic interaction with the hill tribes. The conversion of the valley community to Hinduism introduced a caste system that differentiated pure from impure people, reinforcing the divide. This chasm exists today, not as untouchables or outcasts, but more in the form of social and cultural distancing between the valley and hill people. Highlighting the dysfunctional elements that result from division is crucial for appreciating how Manipur could work as a single entity within the constraints, divides, and differences. Within the weaknesses and differences of Manipur lies its strength, and accepting the elements that divide society can lead to a better understanding in managing conflicts and finding ways for coexistence.
Three Sets of Apex Bodies:
There is no single apex social organisation with the prefix “All Manipur” that represents all the communities of Manipur. Every community has its own organisation and there is hardly any interaction and cooperation among them. Look at all the apex CSOs in Manipur. The writ of valley apex bodies runs only in the valley! The valley has its own set of organisations; students’ unions, women organisations, social organisations, cultural bodies, etc. Similarly, the tribes in the hill areas have their two sets of such organisations; one set for the Naga tribes and the other for the Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo) ethnic tribes. This is true of all organisations in Manipur. Manipur is a State with no organisation that encompasses the entire communities of Manipur. Even in politics, there are political parties that operate exclusively in the Naga areas called NPF (Naga Peoples Front) and for the Kuki tribes, the KPA (Kuki People’s Alliance), with the exception of national parties. Where is the unity, common vision, common objectives, common goals, or common aspiration among the three social groups? None at all! Every group is working at cross purposes, pulling away from each other and tearing themselves apart. On account of the perceived sense of neglect, step-motherly treatment, suppression, exploitation, subjugation, etc., which is evident from the comparative backwardness of the hill areas vis-à-vis the valley, both groups of Naga and Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo) ethnic tribes are unwilling to be part of the State where there is no empathy, compassion, magnanimity, and acceptance of the tribes in hill areas, but the desire to subjugate them for perpetuity. The future is bleak, yet there is hope.
Creation of Colonial Past:
Manipur, as we know today, is more of a creation of the British colonial power. The Maharaja’s interest in managing his kingdom was confined to the valley called Kangleipak, and the hills were left to their own devices. It was the British bureaucracy that took interest in the hills, and their tour records, that form the bulk of historical documents of hill areas, testify to this fact.
Power Shift from MLAs to CSOs:
Bereft of any social and cultural bonds between the valley and hills, the current socio-political arrangement is a marriage or conspiracy of convenience to run a state government for electing MLAs whose primary interest now has degenerated to appropriating for themselves and cronies the benefits of government-funded projects and programmes emanating from contracts and supplies, and government appointments in jobs. The welfare of the people has been left to the community-wise CSOs whose acceptability over the elected representatives has gained ascendancy post-3rd May 2023 clashes. The belittling of MLAs and the show of dominance by a pseudo-cultural organisation was demonstrated in Kangla Fort on 24th January of 2024, confirming the loss of legitimacy of the popularly elected State government. Manipur sank to a state of lawlessness when frustrated mobs started attacking the residences of their own MLAs, humiliating and insulting them, and extortion became the order of the day. Today, President’s rule may have brought in a semblance of normalcy, but it is temporary as the situation is far from normal and can erupt anytime once people perceive that the central government cannot deliver or is reneging on its promises.
Ascendency of CSOs:
It appears that the inability of elected representatives to perform their job has created space for the CSOs of various hues to fill in the void. The CSOs are used to getting their way, especially in the valley, that the government operates according to the wishes of the CSOs. One example is the imposition of prohibition in Manipur in 1991 because some militant organisations and women CSOs had already announced prohibition in the state, and the state government followed suit, imposing prohibition with an ordinance validating the maxim, "if you can't beat them, join them". Post-3rd May clashes, CSOs set up road checkpoints on national highways, and the armed police forces did nothing but became spectators. Mobs asked for guns from the police armoury, and guns were given away in exchange for Aadhaar cards! However, there was no accountability. The CSOs, having tasted blood under a popular state government, are restless now and are testing the PR administration by objecting to the holding of the Sangai festival. If the CSOs can dare the PR administration with violence, they can easily revert to their unlawful post-3rd May actions if a popular state government is installed without a political settlement.
Look Beyond Meitei Leaders:
The incompetence of the state government, during pre- and post-3rd May 2023 incidents, has strengthened the perceived lack of pan-Manipur leadership quality of MLAs from the valley, and this perception has become evident post-President’s rule as no Meitei MLA, having the confidence of all three major communities, has been identified so far to lead the state out of the socio-political crisis. The inability of the dominant community to look beyond the valley for pan-Manipur leaders speaks volumes of the parochial thinking prevalent in the valley. Under the socio-political crisis currently faced by Manipur, identifying a Naga MLA (from a third community) either within the party or as an ally could be one of the ways of proceeding forward for restoring normalcy.
Onus for Peace Vest on the Apex CSOs:
The jurisdiction of apex CSOs of Imphal valley is confined to the valley and therefore their writ runs in the assembly constituencies of 40 MLAs. Similarly, the writ of the tribes is confined to the hill areas from where 20 MLAs are elected. Given the circumstances Manipur is currently faced with, the key to resolving Manipur’s socio-political crisis seems to lie in the hands of the CSOs, and the onus falls heavily on the apex CSOs. The CSOs of both estranged sides know very well that if the Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo) ethnic group is allowed to return first to Imphal, the seat of administrative, legislative, and judicial power, transport and business hub, higher education, technical, professional, and medical institutions hub, etc., the road for return of normalcy in the state will open up, and the idea of coexistence will get strengthened with the passage of time. Normalcy may return gradually and incrementally as confidence returns slowly among the internally displaced persons (IDPs). Return to Imphal of IDPs from the Zo (Chin-Kuki-Mizo) ethnic group will improve the climate of peaceful coexistence and facilitate the return of the IDPs from the Meitei community to hill areas.
Sixth Schedule to Hill Areas:
The extension of the Sixth Schedule to hill areas has always been on the table for discussion and is something that is working successfully for the Bodos under the Bodoland Territorial Council. Two such forms of Sixth Schedule territorial councils could be given to the hill areas as part of the settlement. Granting empowered local self-government is within the ambit of the Constitution and is not different from what the dominant community has got for themselves in the valley districts in the form of the Panchayati Raj system of local governance. Proposal of this nature may entail the amendment of Article 371-C, which could be carried out appropriately to suit the emerging circumstances and parameters of the settlement.
Implementation of Article 371-C: The Way Forward for Local Governance:
The other option which has been available for implementation since 1972 is the scheme of legislation given to the Hill Areas Committee (HAC), state government, and Assembly for making laws for hill areas under Article 371-C. The provisions, procedures, and processes have been laid down by the Presidential Order dated 20th June 1972. Implementation of the unique arrangement for legislation of laws for hill areas along with the scheme of local governance under the Manipur (Hill Areas) District Council Act, 1971, and roping in the Village Authorities governance system are already available under the Constitution. It just needs the decision of the state government to implement it. Hurdles faced in the course of its implementation have built-in provisions of seeking the intervention of the Governor and the President to overcome them. This is the easiest way forward that is waiting to be implemented in place of demanding the Sixth Schedule governance model.
A Third Party: The Way Forward for Peace:
The apex CSO from the valley could take the lead in extending the hand of friendship and peaceful coexistence and seek the role of interlocutor from a third party, preferably an apex Naga body or church leaders, to organise talks and act as a moderator between the two estranged communities. All these would obviously be done in consultation with the full cooperation and support of the State government and would also be facilitated by the administration under the President’s rule.
