Monalisa Changkija
Humour, satire, and lampooning have long been part of political conversation and communication across the globe. They assume an even more prominent role during wars and conflicts. The US-Israel war on Iran is no exception. In fact, such communication — whether for or against political decisions — has gained unprecedented visibility with the explosion of new technologies enabling global communication within seconds. A prime example is the ubiquitous Lego-style videos produced by Iran’s Explosive Media (also known as Explosive News).
Wikipedia notes: “Explosive Media, a.k.a. Explosive News, is an Iranian digital media enterprise known for producing AI-generated satirical videos about Iran–US relations for the Iranian government. Its short films during the 2026 Iran war — created in the style of Lego movies and lampooning the US side in the conflict — were widely shared by both Iranian and American social media accounts, becoming, according to The New Yorker, ‘inescapable artifacts’ of the war. Within a month of the outbreak of hostilities, the organisation’s videos had accrued millions of views and achieved widespread virality. This success was driven by the group’s in-depth understanding of American culture and media. Established in 2025, Explosive Media initially produced short commentary videos before transitioning to animated satirical films. A representative described it as an anonymous ‘student-led media team with a background in social activism,’ unconnected to the government — though the BBC reported that the Iranian government was a ‘customer’ of the enterprise.”
Wars are fought on several fronts—one of them being the battle for hearts and minds, a core element of psychological warfare. In an article titled Iran’s AI memes are reaching people who don’t follow the news — and winning the propaganda war, Adam R. North writes in The Conversation that these videos succeed because of their audience strategy. They do not target people actively seeking news; instead, they mimic everyday internet culture to reach those who are not following events in the Middle East. Humour becomes the mechanism for reach. These videos function as Trojan horses, drawing viewers in with recognisable imagery, references and music, while subtly communicating narratives about American overreach, dysfunction, and corruption.
North quotes Emerson Brooking, a US-based expert on disinformation, who says: “…the key insight here is not geopolitics but audiences. Humour is the primary mechanism these videos have harnessed to conquer social media algorithms. The joke is not the message — it is the delivery system.”
According to Brooking, for two decades a generation of Americans—and increasingly British and European audiences—has learned to process political news through satire. He points to American satirical shows with massive audiences that make politics funny, accessible, and emotionally engaging in ways conventional journalism often fails to achieve. Over time, humour has come to be seen not merely as a gloss on political commentary, but as a more honest form of it. He adds, “Since 2008, many populists have recognised the power of humour in election campaigns—none more so than Trump,” noting that “Iran has been paying attention.”
Brooking further observes the irony of cultural conditions that have eroded trust in mainstream political communication while increasing demand for authenticity and humour. This has created a media environment where foreign propaganda can reach millions and feel indistinguishable from domestic entertainment. While late-night satire and Iranian AI content are not equivalent, they operate within the same ecosystem — one where humour has become a primary vehicle of political communication. What he finds most unsettling is the implication for the information ecosystem: if propaganda becomes indistinguishable from satire, and satire garners millions of views while news does not, the line between political entertainment and persuasion collapses. Those most affected are often individuals who believe they are not engaging with the war at all.
The catchy Iranian Lego-style videos point to a deeper and more serious impact — not only on how technology is used, but also on the declining influence of traditional or legacy media. It is already well established that technology has shortened human attention spans. This creates a perfect environment for brief, engaging messages that are not necessarily in-depth or analytical, thereby weakening the power of knowledge.
However, a CNN interview with some of the creators revealed that many of them are aged between 18 and 25. Even a cursory look at these videos shows how well-versed these young creators are in American and global politics, history, culture, and media, as well as their technological proficiency. They reportedly told CNN that they have never stepped outside Iran. This says much about Iran’s education system and the role of knowledge in shaping outcomes.
It is up to viewers to interpret these videos, but they undoubtedly carry deeper messages beyond the obvious — messages that demand attention. A Telegraph editorial dated May 2, 2026, notes on the meme wars: “If Iran’s resilience in the face of the US military juggernaut has surprised some, its meme factories are accomplishing something even rarer. Iran is beating America’s otherwise unmatched propaganda machinery,” concluding that “this is one battle that Tehran has already pocketed.”
Surprisingly, the US has not —or has been unable to —block these videos. In countries, including India, where humour is sometimes less tolerated, such creators might face legal consequences. Today’s youth are using humour, education, and technology not only to influence perceptions of politics, communication, and conflict, but also to reshape the tools of warfare itself. Iran’s leadership appears to have recognised this shift.
In today’s redefined and evolving battlefields, other nations must also learn to value humour, culture, education, knowledge, and technology as powerful strategic tools. Attempts to suppress or punish such expression may prove futile against a generation of informed, technologically adept youth whose worldview differs significantly from that of those over 30.
(Monalisa Changkija is a Dimapur-based veteran journalist, poet, and former Editor of Nagaland Page. Published in the May 3, 2026 issue of North East Now)
