This article intends to explore the phenomena of unwed mothers in relation to sexual violence within the state. It begins by giving an outline of the issue and proceeds to analyse and comprehend the existence of this reality which has been attempted through the summarised narratives shared by the participants of the study. In conclusion, the article seeks to put forth few concerns and a breakdown of the ‘safety’ of Naga women.
Introduction
An unwed mother is someone who ‘becomes’ or chooses to be a mother outside the institution of marriage.
The term in itself is complex and bears different rationale, but a common understanding of an unwed mother is created with labels such as a ‘bad’ woman, promiscuous, ‘immoral’ etc.
In most cases, judgements are made through a lens of morality combined with anxiousness over the non representation of a ‘traditional’ family pattern.
Pregnancy before marriage is considered non normative and challenging because there is a general association of it with the morality and sanctity of a girl. With such an attachment, it further adds to the existing social stigma of an unwed mother.
A comprehensive data on a national scale is unavailable, however, according to the Family Planning Association of India in the year 2004, an estimated eight million induced abortions are performed in India, and sketchy evidence suggests that a fairly large proportion of them are performed for adolescent mothers and unmarried teenage girls.
As per an article published in The Hindu ( 22nd June, 2013), a survey conducted by the Kerala’s Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Department found that there were 563 unwed Dalit mothers in the state.
The Kerala Women’s Commission (KWC) puts the actual number at more than 2,000 and an investigation led by the Deputy Police Inspector-General S Sreejith found that there were more than 1,000 unwed mothers in the tribal areas. According to the KWC, most of the unwed mothers were between the age of 14 to 20 years and some of them ended up in the prostitution business to feed themselves and their children.
The data for unwed mothers in Nagaland is unavailable and arriving at a correct estimate is problematic given the tabooed nature of the issue and also because such incidences are not disclosed, often fearing social embarrassment or being cut off from the community they come from. This in turn further sidelines and makes the issue invisible. Pregnancy before marriage may occur due to different kinds of reasons such as rape, incest, date rape, naivety, lack of knowledge for safe sex etc. Teenage premarital pregnancy creates a number of problems such as interrupted education if the mother is still a school going student, health and economic vulnerability, exposure to domestic violence since it is also linked to welfare dependency, unemployment etc. Not forgetting the stigma that is attached to it. Premarital pregnancy is understood to have become quite common in Nagaland and an assumption of promiscuity or ‘someone with no morals’ has become the universal tag when a girl gets pregnant before marriage, completely ignoring the various factors that are involved.
This article is a section derived from my study as part of my Masters Thesis between the years 2012-2014. My study started off with the intention to understand the issues and experiences of unwed mothers in Nagaland. However, some of the narratives shared by the participants brought out disturbing experiences of sexual violence and also gave an insight into the social stigma attached to an unwed mother. It has also brought about various issues such as absence of support system, need for sex education etc. However, the article will focus along the lines of sexual violence and its relation to unwed mothers. The names used are pseudonym to maintain the confidentiality of the participants.
Unwed mothers of Nagaland A paradox in the Naga society is that on the one hand it cherishes and values children but on the other hand, it ostracises an unwed mother as well as her ‘illegitimate’ child. The existence of sexual violence is often looked at as ‘normative’ and the stigma attached to issues surrounding sexual violence is severe. In most cases, victim blaming becomes the response, making it even more difficult for the victims to come forward and address their problems and seek justice. Victims of sexual violence remain silent for fear of being stigmatised, for being blamed etc. And within this malicious web, an unwed mother becomes an easy target as she is now a walking evidence of something that is considered ‘sinful’, and ‘illegitimate’.
An independent research conducted by Mother’s Hope, Dimapur in 2001, in six nursing revealed that about 556 women underwent abortion within a month and 70% were those by young unwed mother. During an interview with the Founder - Director of the shelter home, it was communicated that the girls coming to the shelter home are from diverse socio- economic background and that most of them become pregnant through rape by strangers and date rape. Understanding the Phenomena There is no doubt that the Naga society has had a history of sexual violence on women, having undergone conflict and suffered militarised environments. The perpetuators of sexual violence during times of insurgency were never convicted or tried for their crimes rather; they still remain immune through acts such as the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. This matter in totality is immense and not within the purview of this article. However, what needs to be understood is the reality that the perpetrators of sexual violence can be someone from within as well- someone from ‘Home’.
Sexual violence does not only occur in a single vacuum, there are many facets to it. It happens at home, at work, on the streets, public spaces and in a covert manner. The narratives shared by the unwed mothers bring out the harsh reality of sexual violence that women face and in addition, are further expected to remain silent or blamed for. Their experiences bring out the various fragments of sexual violence in a society that is strongly driven by victim blaming and moral ethos.
Upon documenting the experiences of the unwed mothers during the study, it was understood that most of them were survivors of rape. Pamela who became an unwed mother at 16 years shares her experience. She says, I did not know what was happening. He forced me into it and everything happened so fast. Another participant Rose, says, He started touching me. I refused and resisted but he forced himself on me.
Rebecca, who is in her late 50s now, still remembers the incident that happened over 30 years ago as she narrates it to me, ‘I resisted and did not want to do it but he forced himself on me. It was rape!’ Stories of the social stigma faced, are within the framework of family and friends having shunned them, once the news of the pregnancy was known. Gossip and rumours are speckled with the blame on the victim. One of the participants, Anna was even married off to a man whom she had never met in a desperate attempt by her family to hide her pregnancy after the biological father of the child refused to be held responsible.
Conclusion There seems to be a common assumption that sexual violence in the Naga society is negligible and is therefore often sidelined. The projection of Naga women as ‘free’ and ‘safe’ from any kind of violence against them seems to be the dominant understanding of many.
The case of unwed mothers is just one example of the many stories of violence- sexual, physical, psychological, emotional etc that occurs within the Naga society. There is a need for better understanding of issues that concerns the women of the state and an efficient manner of addressing them as well.
There have been no concrete efforts or studies carried out to understand the vulnerabilities and the conditions faced by unwed mothers. Interestingly, during the study, few of the instances that were shared were also due to naivety and lack of knowledge about safe sex. Given that many also experience this at an age most vulnerable, there is a need to also have programmes in place to educate and promote awareness on this concern. It is important that we not only understand the issue in all its complexity but also build strong support systems and bridge the gaps. But sadly, victim blaming becomes the sole approach accompanied with stigmatisation, often leaving women afraid to come forward with their narratives.
We need to recognize this phenomenon as a reality instead of continuing with a ‘so what’ approach or by keeping it enclosed because of the ‘tabooed’ nature of the issue. The everyday challenges that unwed mothers experience need to be understood while also taking into consideration the various factors such as rape, naivety etc that are involved before coming to a conjecture and asserting that women are ‘safe’ in Nagaland and that sexual violence is nonexistent.
Supongbenla Longkumer MPhil-PhD, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
