(Facts and Fiction)
K Puroh
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose combined his cult of Freedom and Revolt with spiritual awakening, and attached but little importance to his ‘worldly life’. He said about his resignation from the heaven-born service (ICS), in a letter to Sarat Chandra, his elder brother from Cambridge; ‘I knew that it would mean great suffering but I was prepared for the sake of my Motherland’. He had sworn his life to the purpose of attaining freedom for his Motherland and ‘made his country’s burden of sorrow his own’ (Tagore). Bose’s fight was not about economic gains, but “against powers, against rulers of darkness of this world, against the spiritual wickedness in high places”, quoting the Epistle of Ephesians, while in jail at Mandalay, 1925/26. For such reasons, many of those fighting for freedom, be it political, social or economic, claim his mantle, including those who battle against the Indian state. Many Kashmiri and Naga militants seeking independence from Indian, for instance, believe Bose would have understood the Justices of their cause (Sugata Bose HMO Page 12). Accordingly, in all my writings, I have never poised myself as an ‘opponent’ or opposed Bose’s stand of ‘anti-imperialism’, as is alleged by the hired writers of NSCBMDSN. Rather in a rejoinder to Chesezu Village Council and CONHAT, which appeared in Eastern Mirror on 9.6.2017, I mentioned that, “many of us (my generation) kept posters of him (Bose) in our rooms while studying in High schools and colleges, and inspired many into joining the Naga Army”. Bose was a role model to many, by then.
As far as oral history is concerned, it is understood as the history that is orally told and passed on from generation to generation. However, the so-called ‘oral history’ of NSCBMDSN and others about Subhas Bose’s presence in Naga Hills District, during the World War II begins only at the turn of the 21st century, although the battle of Kohima was fought in the 20th century, from 4th April to 8th June 1944. The so-called “eye witnesses and participants who had either served him or had met him in persons” started narrating their accounts only by the turn of this 21st century. Although, there had been many people who were much senior, educated, and already in services or working as missionaries, capable of recording such a landmark historical event, if at all, Bose did visited this part of our land. But there has been no such record made by anybody, individually or collectively at any given point of time, at any level, within the 20th century.
Of the considerable debate amongst historians is whether the past shapes the present or vice versa. The politics of the present shapes our understanding of the past. Oftentimes, commentators and scholars alike seem to be reinterpreting the past to suit a politics of the present. This also applies to memory and oral history, and while, for justifiable reasons, oral history holds a respectable position in Naga society, it seems doubtful that a village elder [of present day], back in the 1944 (as a child), a time without mass communication would be able to recognised Bose and that, too, only at the turn of the 21st century. The evidence is simply too thin to be considered as a historical source.
It is crystal clear that present-day politics is shaping the debate on the history of Subhas Bose’s alleged presence in the Naga Hills District during the World War II. For instance; if you claim that Bose slept in your house, you will be instantly appointed as ‘Liaison Officer’ by the Nagaland government and posted at Nagaland House, New Delhi; if some people organised themselves as a group and claimed that Netaji visited the peak located near their village, then a ‘5 crore’ project will be initiated for its development (I learned, from a reliable source, that around rupees 2 crore has been released), if you draw an imaginary line by saying that your village was the first INA administered village, then the declaration of your village as ‘National Heritage village’ will be processed (Sources, Nagaland local dailies). Besides the above examples, many unscrupulous individuals are likely to be lured by promises of financial and physical benefits as ‘eyewitness’ ‘poter’ ‘informer’ GB’ DB ‘soldier’, etc.
The rejoinder to my article by the NSCBMDSN, which appeared on Nagaland Post and Eastern Mirror on 11.11.2017 is too personal and too vague in presenting their points. The writing on my personal aspect are believed to be written by some local writers, but the so-called 11 (eleven) points of ‘historical proofs’ are likely written by outsiders who are not familiar with the topography of Naga Hills and Chin Hills, and think that the Nagas still reside in the jungle, and therefore, could be easily misled.
I am an academician by profession, so I shall not react to the comment on my personal life. However, the following are the answers to the 11 (eleven) points of so-called ‘historical proofs ‘ about the claim on Bose presence in Naga Hills District of Assam during the World War II, presented by NSCBMDSN in their rejoinder to my article.
Regarding point 1: Groups of officers and men of the special service group and men of Azad Hind Dal went up to the Kohima somewhere on 3rd and 7th April 1944.
This has got nothing to do with Subhas Chandra Bose’s physical presence at those places, because, from 7th January to 7th April, Bose was in Rangoon and thus nowhere near the Naga hills district. For instance: “on 5th April 1944, Bose announced the formation of National Bank of Azad Hind at Rangoon”, and “on April 7, 1944 Bose moved a small advance headquarters north, from Rangoon to Mamyo a small hill town near Mandalay” (Sugata Bose 2011: 272 - 273).
Regarding point 2: Recollecting the event at Kohima, Khumbo Angami encountered several Indians in military dress who were officers of INA where they showed the people the Indian national flag and some badges.
This confirmed my earlier statement made on two occasions, which appeared on 19th and 20th May 2017 in Eastern mirror and Morung Express respectively and Nagaland Post on 28th Oct.2017, saying: “by the middle of May 1944 the Subhas brigade of INA supposed to have been hoisted the India Tricolour at a mountain top near Kohima and left some badges behind near GPT Ridge”. There is no historical evidence that Subhas Bose himself was present on these occasions.
Regarding points 3 and 4: The Subhas Brigade and Jiff (Japanese Indian Fighting Force), respectively.
It dwelled only on the INA and its movement. His Majesty’s army, fighting in the Battle of Kohima does not mean that the King himself was present at Kohima. Likewise, Subhas Brigade of INA coming near to Kohima does not mean that Subhas himself was present there.
Regarding point 5: Before withdrawal the commander of INA Brigade was occupying approximately 200 sq miles of Indian territory that was administered by Azad Hind Dal.
This was about the INA occupation of Indian territory near Imphal and its retreat to Tamu, a Burmese town located near Moreh, about 110 kilometers away from Imphal and more than 250 kilometres away from Naga Hills District of Assam. This has got nothing to do with the Naga Hills District of Assam and the Battle of Kohima.
Regarding point 6: Bose scribbled a few lines to Brahmachari Kailasam of the Ramakrishna Mission in Singapore on April 16, 1944.
It confirmed that on 17th April 1944, before he left for the ‘frontiers’, Bose was in Mamyo, the Japanese Army Headquarters, a town 25 miles west of Mandalay and 420 miles from Kohima. The term frontiers, back then, did not just apply to the Naga Hills, but to the entire mountain ranges between Burma and India. From Mamyo, in a time-span of 33 days, (17th April to 21st May 1944, between this time, Bose was believed to be somewhere in the frontiers) it was humanly impossible for Bose to suddenly appeared near Kohima, supposedly stayed 9 days (some even claimed Bose stayed a month) in a village and then returned to Mamyo which normally would have taken at least more than 2 months to do the same.
Regarding point 7: on May 22, 1944, Berlin Radio had announced about an interview of a war correspondent with Mr. Bose at the Indo-Burma front; on June 21, 1944, Bose is at present in India with his army.
However, by then (May 22,1944), Bose was already in Rangoon: “on May 21, 1944 Bose shifted Back to Rangoon from Mamyo, where he was finding difficult to get accurate news from the front” (Sugata Bose 2011: 277), while by June 21, 1944, the Battle of Kohima had ended with all Japs having left the Naga Hills District.
Point 8: by mid-May, Subhas Brigade had hoisted the Indian flag on the mountain top around Kohima ……. It’s about Subhas Brigade but nothing to do with Subhas Bose himself.
In point number 9: mention was made about Bose touring, “the whole front for the last two months” on July 4. 1944……. The fact is that, the battle of Kohima was over by 8th June 1944 and by 21st May 1944, Subhas was already in Rangoon and make a “flying visit to his rear headquarters in Singapore and returned to Rangoon only towards the end of June” (Sugata Bose 2011: 278).
Point 10; on August 5, 1944, Tokyo Radio had announced that Netaji Bose addressed a press conference held at the Indian National Army Headquarters in India……
It makes no historical sense, because by August 5, 1944, the war was over (so far as the Naga Hills District was concerned).
Regarding point 11; few eyewitnesses who had seen Netaji in the year of the war are still alive to clear any doubt regarding the current unexpected development on this subject matter……
The question here is why those ‘eyewitnesses’ remained silent throughout the 20th century and started speaking about this only at the turn of the 21st century? Why did they not produced evidence earlier if there was such an oral history recorded? Let us not forget that human memory is not only short, but flexible and easily manipulated. Moreover, those so-called ‘living eyewitnesses’ were only kids, when the incident took place 75 years ago, therefore, too young to remember and recollect who was who.
All the ‘proofs ‘ the NSCBMDSN and others presented in their rejoinders – supposedly showing the other side of the ‘coin’ and from the view of ‘non-victors’, are nothing but a twist of historical facts. However, manipulation will not change history; a tale told by the knaves and fools will not make history.
Meanwhile, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has a place already in the history of mankind. The only concern is, firstly, Bose’s patriotism towards his Motherland, his ideals and principles, and this should not be diluted with sole intentions of ‘worldly life’, the sort of which Bose himself had renounced. Secondly, Nagaland should avail all the developmental opportunities within the framework of the constitutional provisions in the rightful historical perspective.
I am deeply pained and anguished by the bizarre and false accusation of the VCC and GBs of Rüzazho village, which appeared on 3.12.17 and 6.12.17 in Eastern Mirror and Nagaland Post, respectively. Sadly and regrettably, they are setting a dangerous precedent of threatening and intimidating and suppressing the freedom of speech and expression by imitating the culture and style of some fundamentalist elements of the mainland. Therefore, I reject the innuendos and falsehood as I did not write to “sabotage the development”, “insult and question the integrity” of the people of Rüzazho and its history.
Meanwhile, the press statements of different individuals and organisations, relating to the debate on the Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and the Battle of Kohima during the Second World War, since April 2017, will be compiled and published in a booklet form which will hit the book stand shortly, for the interest of all concerned.
