Moa Jamir A decade ago, during a harvest season, an old-timer was giving a time-tested counsel to some youngsters – for regaining instant strength particularly during strenuous sowing and harvesting period, beef is the best. Economically, it also makes sense as it was the cheapest source of protein. Pork was a luxury then, not readily available as beef. Over the years, as economic status increases, pork has given away to beef constituting 60% of the animal husbandry import in 2015-16, according to Nagaland Economic Survey 2016-17. But beef still matters. In any village, a celebration is not complete without the usual beef and pork. Pig, cow and mithun meat are the intrinsic and vital feature of any festival – both traditional as well as the modern day festival. The total requirement for meat, milk and eggs in monetary term, according to the survey, was estimated to be Rs. 2143.92 crores, with shortfall of Rs. 1116.40 crores as the state produces only 52% of the total requirement. The data could be higher given that the meat trade along the inter-state borders as well as in villages are mostly informal or largely undocumented. Three years back, despite apprehension from various quarters, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was heralded as a whiff of fresh air, a detour from old dispensation, promising 'Achhe din' (good days) through ‘Sabka saath, sabka vikas’ (with everyone, development for all). Presently, the apprehension seems real and Modi’s tenure could be aptly described in 3Ds - Demonetisation, demonisation & demigod. Demonetisation, introduced as a moral imperative against corruption, was implemented haphazardly resulting in loss of many lives and propelling several well-regarded economists to accuse the government of fudging data to present a ‘rosier picture.’ However, it do not stop him from gaining huge electoral mandate especially in symbolic Uttar Pradesh thereafter. While the moral imperative flatters, the other Ds - demonisation & demigod came to his rescue. Nowhere is the country so polarised in religion, and resultantly on patriotism and food habit. Once, India was known for its pluralism, but it now lays smitten on the face of majoritarian cultural and religious assertion. A religious populism, grounded on the philosophy of utilitarianism - the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people, but with a portentous outcome that would make even its ardent proponents like Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill to roll in the grave. The most polarising yet is the notification published in the Gazette of India on May 23, 2017 titled, “The Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (Regulation of Livestock Markets) Rules, 2017.” Passed following a Supreme Court directive to the government to form an inter-ministerial committee to recommend ways of preventing cattle smuggling, basically it says that those who wish to sell cattle — bulls, cows, buffaloes, steers, heifers and camels — may do so only after they formally state that the animals have not been ‘brought to the market for sale for slaughter”(The Hindu). Expectedly, the notification elicited strong protest and outrage especially from Kerala and West Bengal, whose Chief Ministers described it as “a plan to further the RSS agenda” and “destructive attitude to federal structure” respectively. A Scroll.in report on reaction by political parties in North Eastern states has described the same as “dictatorial,” and “a veiled Hinduvta agenda.” In Meghalaya, a BJP functionary resigned in protest. However, the Party is singing a different tune in the poll bound NE states. The BJP’s national spokesperson in charge of Meghalaya Nalin Kohli was quoted in media as saying that “A law in a state on cow slaughter is to be decided by the state and not the Centre.” Many a time, a harried Nagaland BJP Chief Visasolie Lhoungu left to defend its Party philosophy of “integral humanism” and vaunting its secular credential, though those at the helm of affairs at the Centre is playing a food and cultural chicanery politics to the hilt. In Nagaland, while a senior minister was quoted by Hindustan Times as saying, “Nagaland is not going to implement this law related to cow slaughter,” officially the State Government has been maintaining a stoic silence. Politics aside, however, the implementation of the law will have a strong impact on the availability of bovine products in Nagaland, as it is mostly sourced from outside. For any comment, drop a line to moajamir@live.com
