Patricia Mukhim
Nagaland’s longest serving chief minister and currently governor of Goa SC Jamir had yet another brush with terror. He narrowly escaped a bomb attack on his convoy while returning from his village in Mokokchung to Dimapur on 24 November. There are no prizes for guessing who the perpetrators were. It was carried out with the precision that could only have been orchestrated by a trained assassin. Jamir’s escape was providential and it only goes to show that life and death are not in the hands of mere mortals.
The NSCN (IM)’s deep-seated chagrin for Jamir is legendary. Apart from his political posturing vis-a-vis the Naga national struggle, what sticks in the NSCN (IM)’s throat is the governor’s rather bold but possibly contentious soliloquy, The Bedrock of Naga Society. This booklet authored by the septuagenarian discounts the Naga sense of history as recalled by the current breed of freedom fighters. He states very forcefully what many scholars and historians would couch in scholarly jargon. Naga nationalism as perceived today is a refined version of the reality that existed during the British incursion in North-east India. The present territories inhabited by the Nagas were excluded by the British from their administrative jurisdiction because they were located in treacherous terrain and inhabited by people whom the imperialists considered creatures best left to their elements.
In a free country, Jamir enjoys the right to voice his opinions. He cannot be ostracised for articulating what he feels is the correct historical interpretation of the Naga past. As a politician he also cannot be faulted for playing politics. But there is in the booklet a distinct ring of reality bereft of populism. Like a sphinx, Jamir has stoically defended the meaning and metaphor of his script and is not apologetic about it. However, Nagaland is known for its intolerance for dissent. Both factions of the NSCN consider dissent a betrayal to the larger cause of Naga freedom. That the arbiters of Nagaland’s sovereign future should be so intolerant of dissent should alert the Naga people about the fascist traits of their leaders. It is a paradox that the people of Nagaland can only enjoy “freedom” within the paradigm defined by the NSCN.
Also, a contradiction in terms is that none of the so-called defenders of human rights in Nagaland have condemned the attack on Jamir. This only lends credence to the allegations that the Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights is a co-opted platform of the NSCN (IM). If the NPMHR has slipped up on its basic commitment, one would have expected that one other institution which had earlier cried hoarse about ending bloodshed would now speak up. Yes, I am referring of the Naga Mothers’ Association. Alas! This otherwise sane and sensible institution that claims to work for peace and justice has also decided to remain silent. Is the silence an indication that the NMA, too, is no longer free to air its considered views?
If so, where is the civil society in Nagaland? The struggle for Naga nationalism has taken its toll on Naga society and the polity. Even today when victims recount how their village was burned 27 times by the Indian Army, the narratives still evoke a sense of outrage, not only for the narrators but also for those who listen to these tales of horror. But over the years the Naga soul has been more brutalised by fratricidal killings than by the cruelties inflicted by the Indian Army. During the decade-long ceasefire, more young men have been gunned down by rival camps than they have during the long period of combat. These killings are usually followed by virulent reactions from the tribe to which the victim belonged. The tribal Hoho, which is the apex body of a particular Naga tribe, usually condemns the arbitrary killings and demands a public clarification why one of their members is eliminated. But neither the NSCN (IM) nor the NSCN (K) considers it their moral obligation to answer for their crimes. The tribal Hoho, a subsidiary of the Naga Hoho, a body respected and looked upon as the bulwark of Naga civil society, therefore seems to have increasingly lost its voice.
Ironically, the NSCN (IM) does not seem to respect its slogan, “Nagaland for Christ”. The outfit’s actions defy the tenets of Christianity which are essentially founded on non-violence, justice and peace. How can an organisation fighting for a just cause justify the merciless killing of another human being? Not a day passes without one killing taking place. So much so people have learned to live with the violence. If Naga society is vocal about state violence as perpetrated by the Indian Army they seem to have suddenly lost the verve to speak up against similar violence inflicted by their own members against their own people.
Jamir, with all his fads and foibles, is a veteran politician worthy of the respect befitting his age. It would not be realistic to belabour the issue of corruption and condemn him alone for looting the coffers of Nagaland. Anyone occupying the hot seat finds it extremely difficult to steer clear of the malady. Managing a government in the North-eastern states is pretty much like being Humpty Dumpty. It requires the dexterity of a trapeze artist to keep from tumbling over. Chief Ministers keep their eyes and ears shut in the face of blatant corruption by their ministerial colleagues. In any case, corruption is a non-issue in Nagaland. As Nagas would argue, “We are only making use of money that India is pumping in to bribe us into compliance”.
The Naga national workers, as the two factions of the NSCN are called, also collect regular taxes (read extortion) from business houses, individuals and government employees. This is “Indian” money coming as it does from New Delhi. How they utilise these funds is nobody’s business. Anyone who raises a point of order is silenced forever. So as far as the use of money is concerned, no one can be accused of corruption. If at all anyone is to be blamed, it is the patron state (India) which is softening the people into insouciance.
It is unfortunate that the present government of Nagaland seems to have badly faltered in providing safety to Jamir although they were duly warned about the impending attack. How do we read this action of the government? Since chief minister Neiphiu Rio’s proximity to one faction of the NSCN is no secret, could his government have slipped up on the security front? Is the attack on Jamir a coincidence or a clever stratagem at precluding his comeback to state politics? These questions rankle and deserve a fair and objective investigation.
(The author is a Shillong-based columnist, and can be contacted at patricia17@rediffmail.com.)
